Exhibit Honors the History of African-Americans in Downtown Portland


Exhibit Honors the History of African-Americans in Downtown PortlandOn Thursday, October 22, 2009,

Central City Concern will host an unveiling celebration for a newly installed permanent exterior exhibit on two sides of the Golden West Building, former center of Portland’s African-American social and business life in the first decades of the twentieth century, located at the corner of NW Everett and Broadway. The celebration is free and open to the public, from 5:00 – 6:30 p.m., at Carleton Hart Architects, 322 NW 8th Avenue. The event will feature timeless music from “Sweet Baby James” and remarks at 5:30 p.m. by City of Portland Commissioner Randy Leonard and members of the project advisory committee. No RSVP is required to attend the celebration; questions may be directed to EV Armitage.

The exhibit tells a social and ethnic story of the vibrant African-American community in Portland in the early 1900s and the successes and challenges of its residents.  “In that early generation of the Black community here, you could find the very powerful strains of what you might call pursuit of the American dream,” said Dr. Darrell Millner, Professor in the Black Studies Department at Portland State University and a consultant on the exhibit.

Central City Concern (CCC) owns the Golden West Building which is one of the earliest architectural landmarks of African-American history in Portland. “It’s our great pleasure to celebrate this building’s historic value,” said Executive Director Ed Blackburn.

The exhibit consists of six visual panels on the exterior of the building and a visitor activated sound component. Curator Dr. Jacqueline Peterson-Loomis of Washington State University-Vancouver and the Old Town History Project worked with an Advisory committee composed of community members and historians to create the display.

“So much of the neighborhood’s rich history is unknown to Portland residents,” said Dr. Peterson-Loomis. “This street level installation is a first step – and a long-term goal of the Old Town History Project –  in bringing the neighborhood’s multiethnic history to life in a series of public street level exhibits and soundscapes.”

The history display was made possible in part by grants from the City of Portland Vision Into Action program, and from Oregon Humanities, a statewide nonprofit organization and an independent affiliate of the National Endowment for the Humanities, which funds Oregon Humanities’ grant program. For an advance look at the panels, click here.

A Golden West Project for more info go to>>> Amateur Historian Pushes Behind the Scenes History & http://www.visionpdx.com/news/pressGoldenWest_8-7-08.pdf & African-American-Historical District.Com/GOLDEN_WEST_PROJECT

Will T. Bennett

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16th Annual Northwest Public Employees Diversity Conference


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Will, thanks to you every City Bureau’s Diversity Committee has a DVD of “Local Color”. The Bureaus have been showing it regularly and I have facilitated a number of small group discussions following the showing of the video. We also showed the film as part of our 2008 Black History Month Celebration in the auditorium in the Portland Building.

I am also facilitating a showing of the film at our upcoming16th Annual Public Employees Diversity Conference. This will provide an opportunity for employees and managers from 8 public agencies in the 4 county area to view Local Color as well.

The City has a committee to plan an implement Black History MonthActivities. If you have ideas for us don’t hesitate to let me know. I’m on vacation until Monday.

As always your support of local Black History is much appreciated.

Donny R. Adair
Human Resources Coordinator
Diversity Development/Affirmative Action Office
City of Portland, Bureau of Human Resources
1120 SW 5th Avenue, Rm. 404
Portland, Or. 97204
(503) 823-4169
Cultural Competency is a journey not a destination!

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Youth Day » City of Portland Celebrates Black History Month

BLACK HISTORY FILM SERIES 2009 » “Local Color: The History of Racism in Oregon”

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Oregon’s Ku Klux Klan


Ku Klux Klan
Fiery crosses and marchers in Ku Klux Klan regalia were common sights in Oregon and the nation during the 1920s. The social and economic problems following World War I only partly explain why this organization, with its southern heritage of racism and violence, appealed to the overwhelmingly white, native-born, and Protestant population of Oregon.
While the Klan may have been new to the state, the attitudes and issues it exploited were not. Racism, religious bigotry, and anti-immigrant sentiments were deeply entrenched in the laws, culture, and social life of Oregon, and few Oregonians questioned the Klan’s doctrines of white supremacy, Protestantism, and “One-Hundred Per Cent Americanism.”
The first Klan organizers (Kleagles) arrived in Oregon from California and the South in early 1921. Maj. Luther I. Powell, a gregarious Louisianan, swore in the first Oregon Klansmen in Medford while his fellow Kleagles recruited in Portland, Eugene, Salem, Astoria, Hood River, Pendleton, and other communities. Historians estimate that the national Klan attracted more than two million members during the 1920s, and by 1923 Oregon Klan leaders claimed 35,000 members in more than sixty local chapters and provisional Klans. Hundreds of other Oregonians joined the Women of the Ku Klux Klan, the Junior Order of Klansmen for teenagers, and the Royal Riders of the Red Robe for foreign-born Protestants.
The Klan spread rapidly in Oregon, but internal strife plagued it from the beginning. After his election as the first Exalted Cyclops (leader) of Klan No. 1 in Portland, Fred L. Gifford forced Powell from Oregon and became the Grand Dragon (head) of the state Klan. From their Portland headquarters, Gifford and his cronies—including Lem Dever, the colorful editor of the Oregon Klan’s newspaper, The Western American—turned the organization into a potent and controversial political machine during the elections of 1922 and 1924.
The Klan’s appeals to morality and patriotism initially masked the reality: the political intrigue and social conflict and the loyalty to the Klan that transcended political party affiliations.  In 1922, Klansmen won election to local and county offices throughout Oregon, and some Klansmen won seats in the state legislature. The Klan helped elect LaGrande Democrat Walter M. Pierce as governor and played a significant role in passing an initiative measure requiring all children eight to sixteen years of age to attend public schools. While targeting Roman Catholics, the compulsory school bill would have eliminated other private and denominational schools.  As the only state to pass such a law, Oregon gained notoriety and faced numerous legal challenges. The law was never implemented, and the U.S. Supreme Court declared it unconstitutional in 1925.
Klansmen and their allies in the 1923 legislature resurrected controversial racial and religious issues rejected in earlier years. A bill prohibiting the ownership of land by aliens, aimed primarily at Japanese immigrants, passed easily. Other successful bills with connections to the Klan banned teachers from wearing religious garb in the public schools and blocked public schools from using civics and history textbooks with negative remarks about the Founding Fathers and American heroes. The Klan’s political agenda also included support for bills to improve state roads and public education.
The Klan’s influence on social and cultural life was more damaging and longer lasting than its political successes. The Oregon Klan had its share of charlatans and characters, but the overwhelming majority of members were ordinary Oregonians who represented a cross-section of their communities. Few members engaged in violence. Many local Klans strengthened fraternal bonds by organizing bands, baseball teams, family picnics, and charitable activities. But members also used the Klan to impose their moral and cultural beliefs on other Oregonians, often splintering communities, churches, and social organizations. Numerous Protestant ministers, largely fundamentalist and evangelical, joined or supported the Klan, and several became prominent spokesmen for its anti-Catholic crusade. As the official Klan Lecturer in Oregon, the Rev. Reuben H. Sawyer enthusiastically proclaimed “The Truth about the Ku Klux Klan” to many audiences, including a crowd of several thousand at Portland’s Municipal Auditorium in December 1921.
Opponents of the Klan struggled to find allies. Most Oregonians did not join the Klan, but many supported its agenda and others declined to challenge it. Members of some religious denominations and social and fraternal organizations, minority groups, and a few politicians, including Republican Governor Ben Olcott, vigorously opposed it. The Medford Tribune, the Salem Capital Journal, the Hood River News, the Pendleton East Oregonian, the Portland Telegram, the Portland Advocate, and the Catholic Sentinel editorialized against the Klan, while most local newspapers supported it or took a neutral stance.
Dramatically successful initially, Gifford soon alienated members with his dictatorial style. By 1924, Klansmen outside Portland, long wary, turned against him. As charges of corruption and sexual scandals plagued the Klan in other states, most Oregon Klansmen quit the organization. Some local Klans survived into the 1930s, but attempts to revive the state organization failed. During the Civil Rights Era, when new waves of Klan violence swept the South, the hooded order was only a fading memory in Oregon. Newer extremist groups, while often more militant, have been much smaller and far less successful in Oregon than the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s.
Written by Eckard Toy
Further Reading:
Horowitz, David A. “Order, Solidarity, and Vigilance: The Ku Klux Klan in LaGrande, Oregon.” In The Invisible Empire in the West: Toward a New Historical Appraisal of the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s. Shawn Lay, ed. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992, 2004.
Horowitz, David A., ed. Inside the Klavern: The Secret History of a Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1999.
LaLande, Jeff. “Beneath the Hooded Robe: Newspapermen, Local Politics, and the Ku Klux Klan in Jackson County, Oregon.” Pacific Northwest Quarterly 83 (April 1992): 42-52.
Toy, Eckard V. “Robe and Gown: The Ku Klux Klan in Eugene, Oregon, during the 1920s.” In The Invisible Empire in the West: Toward a New Historical Appraisal of the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s. Shawn Lay, ed. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992, 2004.
Toy, Eckard V. “The Ku Klux Klan in Oregon.” In Experiences in a Promised Land: Essays in Pacific Northwest History. G. Thomas Edwards and Carlos A. Schwantes, eds. Seattle: University of Washingt
(photo from Oregon Historical Society)
Ku Klux Klan

source:Oregon Encyclopedia Project
Fiery crosses and marchers in Ku Klux Klan regalia were common sights in Oregon and the nation during the 1920s. The social and economic problems following World War I only partly explain why this organization, with its southern heritage of racism and violence, appealed to the overwhelmingly white, native-born, and Protestant population of Oregon.
While the Klan may have been new to the state, the attitudes and issues it exploited were not. Racism, religious bigotry, and anti-immigrant sentiments were deeply entrenched in the laws, culture, and social life of Oregon, and few Oregonians questioned the Klan’s doctrines of white supremacy, Protestantism, and “One-Hundred Per Cent Americanism.”
The first Klan organizers (Kleagles) arrived in Oregon from California and the South in early 1921. Maj. Luther I. Powell, a gregarious Louisianan, swore in the first Oregon Klansmen in Medford while his fellow Kleagles recruited in Portland, Eugene, Salem, Astoria, Hood River, Pendleton, and other communities. Historians estimate that the national Klan attracted more than two million members during the 1920s, and by 1923 Oregon Klan leaders claimed 35,000 members in more than sixty local chapters and provisional Klans. Hundreds of other Oregonians joined the Women of the Ku Klux Klan, the Junior Order of Klansmen for teenagers, and the Royal Riders of the Red Robe for foreign-born Protestants.
The Klan spread rapidly in Oregon, but internal strife plagued it from the beginning. After his election as the first Exalted Cyclops (leader) of Klan No. 1 in Portland, Fred L. Gifford forced Powell from Oregon and became the Grand Dragon (head) of the state Klan. From their Portland headquarters, Gifford and his cronies—including Lem Dever, the colorful editor of the Oregon Klan’s newspaper, The Western American—turned the organization into a potent and controversial political machine during the elections of 1922 and 1924.
The Klan’s appeals to morality and patriotism initially masked the reality: the political intrigue and social conflict and the loyalty to the Klan that transcended political party affiliations.  In 1922, Klansmen won election to local and county offices throughout Oregon, and some Klansmen won seats in the state legislature. The Klan helped elect LaGrande Democrat Walter M. Pierce as governor and played a significant role in passing an initiative measure requiring all children eight to sixteen years of age to attend public schools. While targeting Roman Catholics, the compulsory school bill would have eliminated other private and denominational schools.  As the only state to pass such a law, Oregon gained notoriety and faced numerous legal challenges. The law was never implemented, and the U.S. Supreme Court declared it unconstitutional in 1925.
Klansmen and their allies in the 1923 legislature resurrected controversial racial and religious issues rejected in earlier years. A bill prohibiting the ownership of land by aliens, aimed primarily at Japanese immigrants, passed easily. Other successful bills with connections to the Klan banned teachers from wearing religious garb in the public schools and blocked public schools from using civics and history textbooks with negative remarks about the Founding Fathers and American heroes. The Klan’s political agenda also included support for bills to improve state roads and public education.
The Klan’s influence on social and cultural life was more damaging and longer lasting than its political successes. The Oregon Klan had its share of charlatans and characters, but the overwhelming majority of members were ordinary Oregonians who represented a cross-section of their communities. Few members engaged in violence. Many local Klans strengthened fraternal bonds by organizing bands, baseball teams, family picnics, and charitable activities. But members also used the Klan to impose their moral and cultural beliefs on other Oregonians, often splintering communities, churches, and social organizations. Numerous Protestant ministers, largely fundamentalist and evangelical, joined or supported the Klan, and several became prominent spokesmen for its anti-Catholic crusade. As the official Klan Lecturer in Oregon, the Rev. Reuben H. Sawyer enthusiastically proclaimed “The Truth about the Ku Klux Klan” to many audiences, including a crowd of several thousand at Portland’s Municipal Auditorium in December 1921.
Opponents of the Klan struggled to find allies. Most Oregonians did not join the Klan, but many supported its agenda and others declined to challenge it. Members of some religious denominations and social and fraternal organizations, minority groups, and a few politicians, including Republican Governor Ben Olcott, vigorously opposed it. The Medford Tribune, the Salem Capital Journal, the Hood River News, the Pendleton East Oregonian, the Portland Telegram, the Portland Advocate, and the Catholic Sentinel editorialized against the Klan, while most local newspapers supported it or took a neutral stance.
Dramatically successful initially, Gifford soon alienated members with his dictatorial style. By 1924, Klansmen outside Portland, long wary, turned against him. As charges of corruption and sexual scandals plagued the Klan in other states, most Oregon Klansmen quit the organization. Some local Klans survived into the 1930s, but attempts to revive the state organization failed. During the Civil Rights Era, when new waves of Klan violence swept the South, the hooded order was only a fading memory in Oregon. Newer extremist groups, while often more militant, have been much smaller and far less successful in Oregon than the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s.
Written by Eckard Toy
Further Reading:
Horowitz, David A. “Order, Solidarity, and Vigilance: The Ku Klux Klan in LaGrande, Oregon.” In The Invisible Empire in the West: Toward a New Historical Appraisal of the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s. Shawn Lay, ed. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992, 2004.
Horowitz, David A., ed. Inside the Klavern: The Secret History of a Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1999.
LaLande, Jeff. “Beneath the Hooded Robe: Newspapermen, Local Politics, and the Ku Klux Klan in Jackson County, Oregon.” Pacific Northwest Quarterly 83 (April 1992): 42-52.
Toy, Eckard V. “Robe and Gown: The Ku Klux Klan in Eugene, Oregon, during the 1920s.” In The Invisible Empire in the West: Toward a New Historical Appraisal of the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s. Shawn Lay, ed. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992, 2004.
Toy, Eckard V. “The Ku Klux Klan in Oregon.” In Experiences in a Promised Land: Essays in Pacific Northwest History. G. Thomas Edwards and Carlos A. Schwantes, eds. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1986.

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Earl Henry Winchester


Life Story: Earl Winchester

Posted by Joan Harvey, The Oregonian Joan Harvey, The Oregonian –> July 25, 2009 09:00AM

Earl Henry Winchester

Born: Oct. 5, 1921, in Kinsley, Kan.

Died: July 11, 2009, in Portland

Survivors: Wife, Virginia B.; daughter, JoAnn “Jody”; sons, James, Phillip and Peter; sisters, Mellow Dee Barnett, La Verna Fuller, Dorothy Marshall, Elva June Terry, Norma Kennedy; and one grandchild

Service: Has been held

Remembrances: Bethel A.M.E. Church

Earl Winchester in concert at Wilshire Methodist Church in 1979.

One Sunday morning in 1979, Earl Winchester stood in Wilshire Methodist Church in Northeast Portland and lifted his voice in song.

It was a brooding, woeful concert of what he called Negro spirituals, sung in the traditional way he insisted on, a lone male voice with simple piano accompaniment. The tall, distinguished-looking man was dressed in an impeccable gray suit and wine-colored tie, his demeanor and voice echoing his deep religious conviction and the heritage he knew so well.

Continue reading the entry…

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911 Henry Gates Audio


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Black In Oregon: precarious


State of black Oregon: precarious

Bleeding_of_albina.pdf

by Nikole Hannah-Jones, The Oregonian
Saturday July 25, 2009, 10:00 AM
Sharon Peters, who has a daughter headed to college a son who’s a senior in high school, waits at the state WorkSource Central Metro office in North Portland. She’s looking for work, but can’t find it. Black Oregonians are twice as likely to be unemployed as white Oregonians.

Take a moment and consider the havoc Oregon’s record-level 12.2 percent unemployment rate has wreaked across the state. Hard-working people jobless for months. Homes lost and cars repossessed. Safety nets evaporated.

Now imagine that what is now the third-highest state unemployment rate in the nation has been your community’s jobless rate for the past 30 years. And that during this economic freefall the unemployment rate could be 20 percent or higher.

This is the reality for black Oregonians.

“If Oregon’s unemployment rate is considered a crisis, then the black community has been in crisis for years, ” says Marcus Mundy, president of the Urban League of Portland. “It’s a scary place right now because when things go bad for everyone, it’s exponentially so for black folks.”

This week, the depth of that crisis will become clear as the Urban League releases its first assessment in 17 years of how the state’s tiny black population — smaller than four sellout crowds at the Rose Garden — fares in Oregon.

The civil rights organization brought in educators, policy specialists and academics to research and document key areas of black life and hired the consulting firm ECONorthwest to collect data.

The study reveals a community that falls near or at the bottom of almost every quality of life indicator in the state, including infant mortality, high school graduation, proximity to environmental toxins, incarceration and poverty rates.

But most troubling to advocates is the devastation that the financial disaster has wrought on the state’s black population that already struggles with a poverty rate more than twice the state average.

The unemployment rate for African Americans in Oregon has consistently been double that of white Oregonians, even in good times. Black unemployment probably is now close to 24 percent.

Black Oregonians are losing homes and wealth in what is nationally projected to be the largest loss of black wealth in U.S. history, according to a national report.

“The effects are very devastating in a community where this high of a percentage are out of work,” says Karen Gibson, an urban studies professor at Portland State University who wrote a piece on employment for the report. “It’s like an invisible, silent disaster. How can they maintain their family, start a business, be a role model?”

When the Urban League of Portland moved to take new stock of the state’s black population, the financial disaster had not yet dug in its heels in Oregon.

The national Urban League issues an annual State of Black America, but the local chapter has channeled its energy in recent years into rebuilding after years of turmoil and dysfunction.

Discuss:To discuss this article or talk more about race, go to Nikole Hannah-Jones’ race blog: oregonlive.com/race

Read the report:

The Urban League of Portland releases the State of Black Oregon report Monday. Read it online at www.ulpdx.org

For help:

Housing or foreclosure assistance: Contact the African American Alliance for Homeownership at www.aaah.org or 503-595-3517

Job search assistance: www.worksourceoregon.org or 800-237-3710

Mundy, a California transplant who came on board as interim president in 2006 and as president January 2008, said he decided the chapter needed the report after running into what he sees as Oregonians’ progressive blind spot: race.

“I kept hearing things that I couldn’t verify, like, ‘Oh, it’s not so bad,'” Mundy says. “We weren’t looking for problems. We were looking for facts. It’s hard to advocate without the numbers.”

As the economic meltdown took its toll, the report gained a new urgency.

“The state of black Oregon is precarious,” says Mundy. “We are on the precipice of turning back many gains of the civil rights movement in a real way.”

Black Oregonians are particularly vulnerable to recession, says Gibson of Portland State.

Because of the state’s history of discrimination and segregation, the population is small and has less wealth and lower incomes than black communities nationally. Black Oregonians found it difficult to enter certain fields and to attend college, Gibson says, so are newer to many professions and therefore among the first to be let go in hard times. Workers also are concentrated in the service and manufacturing sectors, which are lower paying and more likely to cut jobs.

Unemployment figures measure the numbers of jobless Americans who are actively seeking work, but can’t find it.

The state keeps no monthly data on unemployment by race, so the latest figures on black unemployment come from last year, before Oregon’s overall unemployment rate jumped more than 6 percentage points.

But economists say the doubling trend probably is continuing for black Oregonians. A new study lends credence to the high rate.

The Economic Policy Institute, a nonpartisan think tank in Washington, D.C., released a state-by-state report last week on racial disparities in unemployment, but Oregon’s black population was too small to measure. However, Michigan — suffering like Oregon with anoverall unemployment rate higher than 12 percent — recorded a black unemployment rate of 22.8 percent for the second quarter of the year. That’s close to the peak national unemployment rate during the Great Depression.

Sharon Peters is engulfed in the struggle to find a job. The 45-year-old suddenly found herself searching for work after her husband died in November. She graduated from Spelman College where she studied pre-med, but she hasn’t worked in recent years.

She has networked, stopped by businesses and sent out resume after resume, but hasn’t gotten a single call back. With her daughter headed to college in Los Angeles this fall and her son entering his senior year of high school, the worry shows on her face.

“It’s bad,” she says as she waits at the North Portland unemployment office where she hoped to sign up for a medical certification course. “I’m told I am either overqualified for some jobs and underqualified for others.”

Peters looks at her 17-year-old daughter, Ta’Nia. “I’m really concerned about the future because I have people depending on me.”

An employment specialist calls her back and says her online resume looks good. Then he runs it through a program that matches skills with job openings.

No current matches, the screen says. He gives a sympathetic smile, then says, “That’s not that uncommon given the way the economy is going.”

Unemployment among African Americans in Portland has been worse than for African Americans in every major West Coast city and the nation as a whole since at least 1979.

And even for those who’ve tried to beat the odds through education, a college degree provides little buffer.

“The unemployment rate for blacks with some college education is consistently higher than whites who dropped out of high school,” says William Darity, a professor of public policy, African American studies and economics at Duke University. “For folks who think that discrimination is passe, I don’t know how they explain that.”

In April, the unemployment rate among African American college graduates nationally was 7.2 percent, nearly twice as high as that of their white counterparts and significantly higher than that of Hispanics and Asians with four-year degrees, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.

The impact, Darity says, is a population in which many are unable to get a foothold in the American dream.

“It damages the progress that has been achieved by some segments of the black population that we call the middle class,” he says.

Don Wesley is one of those people.

In May, after nearly 24 years with Nike, Wesley went to work only to leave a few hours later, carrying a box brimming with the contents of his desk. He had known layoffs were coming as Nike trimmed its staff. But he had been told not to worry.

“In conversations with my boss, I was thinking I should be OK,” he says. “Then I was told as part of the reorganization I was not being retained.”

Wesley’s carefully ordered world crashed — the one he had constructed since he graduated with a business degree from Memphis State University.

He was born 52 years ago in Birmingham, Ala. His mother, who worked as a domestic for white families, pushed her four children to college after Wesley’s father died when he was 6.

Wesley joined Nike in Tennessee and worked his way through the ranks when a promotion brought him, somewhat reluctantly, to Oregon in 1996. “As white as it is now,” he recalls. “It was whiter back then.”

Wesley made a life for himself here. Bought a house. Raised his kids. Spent frugally and saved lavishly.

“The only thing I’ve done for the last 23 years is get up and go to work and do a good job like I was raised to do — then suddenly Don Wesley, who’s been working since he was 14 years old, doesn’t have a job,” he says. “I broke down. I carried my boxes to my car, cried a little bit, then came home and cried a little bit, drank a beer, and cried a little more.”

Even though he has a daughter in college, Wesley is OK for now. He got a severance package from Nike, where he worked with computers. But as weeks without work have turned to months, he worries that the comfortable life he’s built could slip away.

“We’re going to be OK,” he says. “But if I haven’t found a job in a couple of months, it may be a different story.”

And then there’s that nagging feeling.

“Even in the professional ranks, you still have the old boys club,” he says. “I’m not saying that’s what happened to me, but you get into circles of influence and we might do a good job but not necessarily get in those circles. And if there are only five slots and there’s five people in the circle and you’re not one, then you’re out. I don’t know if it’s racial or not, but where it is race is whether we get invited into those circles.”

The scope of inequities between black Oregonians and the rest of the state’s residents aren’t a simple matter of individuals making bad choices, Mundy says.

The Urban League contends the problems are systemic — and has a list of recommendations that it plans to push with local and state government officials to change the system. Among them:

As the state works on its economic stimulus, ensure racial minorities get job training and work, particularly with green and infrastructure jobs.

Reform welfare programs so people receiving assistance don’t lose benefits when they want to work.

Make sure African Americans get equal access to business loans and government contracts.

The group also wants the state to expand its earned income tax credit to help people transition out of poverty; strengthen laws and enforcement concerning predatory lending; preserve affordable housing; and help more African Americans buy homes.

The report will set the Urban League’s agenda for the next two years.

“It’s oxymoronic for Oregonians to call themselves progressive and be aware of the facts in this report — they obliterate the notion that we are post-racial,” Mundy says. “This is not a progressive state if it continues to let this exist. I want them to be as outraged about this as I am.”

Nikole Hannah-Jones; nhannahjones@news.oregonian.com

Bleeding_of_albina.pdf

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The story of what happened when Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates was arrested at his home


source: www.npr.org

Gates & Police Have Very Different Accounts Of His Arrest

The headline at The Harvard Crimson: “Renowned Af-Am Professor Gates Arrested For Disorderly Conduct; Gates, Who Was Trying To Enter His Own Home, Reportedly Accused Police Of Being Racist.”

description
Gates’ “booking photos.” Cambridge Police Dept./AP

By Mark Memmott

The story of what happened when Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates was arrested at his home last Thursday, which Laura posted about yesterday and Morning Edition covered today, continues to get considerable attention.

And the accounts of Cambridge Police and Gates (through a lawyer) could not be much different.

A quick recap: Gates returned to his home in Cambridge, Mass., from a trip. He and his driver had some trouble getting the front door open. Someone called police to say that two men (both black) were trying to force it open.

From there, the stories diverge.

Gates’ attorney, Charles Ogletree, has issued a statement. It says, in part, that when the officer arrived on the scene, he asked Gates to step outside.

Professor Gates remained inside his home and asked the officer why he was there. The officer indicated that he was responding to a 911 call about a breaking and entering in progress at this address. Professor Gates informed the officer that he lived there and was a faculty member at Harvard University. The officer then asked Professor Gates whether he could prove that he lived there and taught at Harvard. Professor Gates said that he could, and turned to walk into his kitchen, where he had left his wallet. The officer followed him. Professor Gates handed both his Harvard University identification and his valid Massachusetts driver’s license to the officer. Both include Professor Gates’ photograph, and the license includes his address.

Ogletree says Gates asked the officer to identify himself several times, without success. And, according to Ogletree, as Gates followed the officer out of the home he was arrested.

The police, though, say Gates was arrested for “disorderly conduct after loud and tumultuous behavior.”

Earlier this morning, the Boston Globe had a copy of the police report posted online (it appears to have now been removed). As the Globe writes:

The Cambridge police report describes a chaotic scene in which the police sergeant stood at Gates’s door, demanded identification, and radioed for assistance from Harvard University police when Gates presented him with a Harvard ID. A visibly upset Gates responded to the officer’s assertion that he was responding to a report of a break-in with, “Why, because I’m a black man in America?”

“Gates then turned to me and told me that I had no idea who I was ‘messing’ with and that I had not heard the last of it,” the report said. “While I was led to believe that Gates was lawfully in the residence, I was quite surprised and confused with the behavior he exhibited toward me.”

When the officer repeatedly told Gates he would speak with him outside, the normally mild-mannered professor shouted, “Ya, I’ll speak with your mama outside,” according to the report.

Gates was arrested after “exhibiting loud and tumultuous behavior” toward the officer who questioned him, the report said.

For its part, the Harvard University Police log has only this:

“Officers dispatched to a theft in progress. Upon arrival CPD had arrested an individual.”

The headline at The Harvard Crimson: “Renowned Af-Am Professor Gates Arrested For Disorderly Conduct; Gates, Who Was Trying To Enter His Own Home, Reportedly Accused Police Of Being Racist.”

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Bogle, Kathryn (1906-2003)


Kathryn Hall Bogle, an early African American journalist in Oregon, was also the first black woman to hold a state government position in Oregon

[…] more@source@blackpast.org

Bogle, Kathryn (1906-2003)

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Vision into Action (VIA) Coalition reborn!



Portland's Vision into Action

GOLDEN WEST PROJECT

Pics are comming soon

– Vision into Action (VIA) Coalition reborn! Join the VIA Coalition for a Summer Social in the Park –

(Tuesday, July 14, 2009)
>>click here for Flyers<<
5:00 to 8:00 PM
Overlook Park
1301 N. Fremont Street
Portland, OR 97227
(Off of Yellow Max line “Overlook” stop)
We recently celebrated our first year’s accomplishments City Hall, showcasing the amazing work of Vision into Action Grantees, Coalition partners, supportive community groups and individuals doing their part to implement the vision
Now, it is your chance to start a dialogue about VIA’s future direction and structure as we transition into a truly community-owned effort.
Families and children are most welcome. There will be a barbeque grill, snacks and non-alcoholic beverages.  If possible, we ask that you bring an item to grill or a small dish to share, perhaps a family favorite.
>>click here for Flyers<<
Please confirm your attendance by contacting Cassie Cohen at (503) 823-9585 or cassie.cohen@ci.portland.or.us
Cassie Cohen
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Landmark building to reopen as expanded community center


 www.TheSkanner.com


090618_blast_elks_lodge_update_200Billy Webb Elks Lodge Ready for Business
Landmark building to reopen as expanded community center
The $2 million renovation of the Billy Webb Elks Lodge is complete, and festivities marking the achievement are Tuesday, June 23, from 3 – 7 p.m. at the lodge, 6 North Tillamook St. The public is invited to a walkthrough of the completed facility, and to enjoy a wine and cheese tasting catered by Pans Pots and Skillets, with valet parking and music. .
To read more click here 


click on The Skanner BLOG page


AFRICAN-AMERICAN-HISTIORICAL DISTRICT.COM

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